Imjin War - Japanese Invasion of Korea 1592-1598 - 4K DOCUMENTARY
TLDRThe video script narrates the historical account of the Imjin War during the late 16th century, a conflict that arose when Japan, under Toyotomi Hideyoshi, invaded Korea with ambitions of regional conquest. The narrative details the challenges faced by Japan's newly united and war-ready samurai forces, the strategic blunders and diplomatic missteps leading to war, and the Korean and Chinese resistance that ultimately halted Japanese expansion. A particular focus is on the heroism of Korean Admiral Yi Sun-shin, whose naval victories were pivotal in defending Korea and protecting the Yellow Sea. The video also explores the war's aftermath, highlighting its impact on the regional balance of power, the rise of the Tokugawa shogunate in Japan, and the eventual fall of the Ming dynasty, setting the stage for Manchu dominance and the long-term isolation of Korea.
Takeaways
- 🏰 The Sengoku Jidai ended with Japan's unification under Toyotomi Hideyoshi, leading to peace but also to a surplus of unemployed warriors.
- 🌊 Hideyoshi, facing a lack of internal conflict, turned his ambitions outwards, initiating the Imjin War with an invasion of Korea.
- 📦 TokyoTreat and SakuraCo are snack box subscription services that bring a taste of Japan into your home with seasonal and traditional products.
- 🎉 The Snackin’ New Years box from TokyoTreat includes exclusive Japanese treats, while SakuraCo's New Years in Niigata box offers regional specialities and a sake cup.
- 👑 Hideyoshi's strategy was to use conquered territories as a source of manpower and materials for further conquests in Asia.
- 🛡️ The majority of Hideyoshi’s invasion force was composed of ashigaru, peasant foot soldiers, rather than the romanticized image of noble samurai.
- ⚓️ Japanese naval power was less advanced than their military technology on land, which would be a recurring issue throughout the conflict.
- 🗡️ Yi Sun-shin, a Korean career soldier, prepared diligently for the anticipated invasion, studying naval command and repairing infrastructure.
- 🏺 The Joseon kingdom was ill-prepared for the invasion due to corruption, neglect, and unpreparedness of its military units.
- 🎖️ Yi Sun-shin's victories at sea, including the use of the turtle ship, were instrumental in preventing Japanese forces from reinforcing their armies on land.
- ⚔️ The Battle of Hansando was a significant naval defeat for the Japanese, with only 14 out of 82 ships surviving, showcasing Yi's tactical prowess.
Q & A
What was the historical context of Japan at the beginning of the 17th century?
-At the dawn of the 17th century, Japan was entering a new epoch after the country had been united, marking the end of the Sengoku Jidai, a period of near constant feudal warfare that lasted for about a century and a half.
Why did Toyotomi Hideyoshi decide to launch an invasion of Korea?
-Hideyoshi turned his ambitions outwards after unifying Japan, as he had a country full of warriors with no war left to fight. He aimed to use his veteran armies to invade Korea and then the Chinese Ming Empire, believing his destiny was to conquer further afield.
What was the role of TokyoTreat and SakuraCo in the video?
-TokyoTreat and SakuraCo are snack box subscription services that bring an experience of Japan into your home. They are the sponsors of the video, offering a variety of Japanese snacks and treats.
How did the Sō clan leader's actions backfire when delivering Hideyoshi’s message to the Korean court?
-Sō Yoshishige altered Hideyoshi’s message to soften the diplomatic blow, but the Sō clan leader sent a rough and indelicate subordinate, Yutani Yasuhiro, to deliver the message. Yasuhiro insulted the Korean hosts, leading to the Korean refusal to submit to Hideyoshi, which in turn led to Hideyoshi's fury and punishment.
What was the composition of Hideyoshi’s invasion force?
-The invasion force consisted of 158,000 men, primarily made up of ashigaru, peasant foot soldiers armed with swords, spears, and bows. About one-third of the army was armed with arquebuses, an early form of firearm.
What was the strategic importance of the Imjin War?
-The Imjin War was part of Hideyoshi's plan to conquer Asia, starting with Korea, which would then supply manpower and material for the invasion of China. The conquest of territories around Beijing was intended to supply manpower for further conquests into China.
How did Admiral Yi Sun-shin contribute to the defense of Korea during the Imjin War?
-Admiral Yi Sun-shin played a crucial role in defending Korea by commanding the Korean navy to several victories against the Japanese fleet. His strategic use of the turtle ships and superior knowledge of local waters helped to maintain control over the seas, which was vital for supply lines and reinforcements.
What was the significance of the Battle of Hansando?
-The Battle of Hansando was a significant naval battle where Admiral Yi Sun-shin deployed his fleet in a bay near the island of Hansando and used a baiting tactic to lure the Japanese fleet into a trap. The battle resulted in the destruction of a large portion of the Japanese fleet and was a major victory for the Korean navy.
How did the Japanese forces attempt to neutralize Admiral Yi Sun-shin?
-The Japanese forces used a spy named Yojiro to trick the Korean court into believing that Konishi Yukinaga wanted to betray his rival, Kato Kiyomasa. This led to Yi Sun-shin being given an order to prepare an ambush, which he suspected was a trap and refused to obey. Consequently, he was deposed and arrested, effectively neutralizing his command.
What were the consequences of the Battle of Myeongnyang for the Japanese forces?
-The Battle of Myeongnyang resulted in a significant defeat for the Japanese forces. Despite being heavily outnumbered, Admiral Yi Sun-shin's tactics led to the destruction of 31 Japanese ships without the loss of any Korean ships, causing the Japanese armada to retreat to Busan and effectively ending their control over the Yellow Sea.
What was the impact of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's death on the war?
-Hideyoshi's death marked the end of the Japanese invasion of Korea. His final orders were for the conflict to be concluded and for all soldiers to return home. This, along with the weakening of the Japanese forces and the increasing pressure from the Ming and Korean forces, led to the withdrawal of Japanese troops and the eventual end of the war.
Outlines
🏰 Unification and Challenges of 17th Century Japan
The paragraph introduces the historical backdrop of Japan entering the 17th century, having just been unified under Toyotomi Hideyoshi, marking the end of the Sengoku Jidai. With no more wars to fight, Hideyoshi faced the challenge of idle warriors and turned his ambitions towards an invasion of Korea. The paragraph also introduces the video's sponsors, TokyoTreat and SakuraCo, two Japanese snack box subscription services, and mentions a giveaway.
🏺 The Tensions and Preparations for War
This paragraph details the diplomatic failures and military preparations leading to the Imjin War. It discusses Toyotomi Hideyoshi's ambitions beyond Japan, the altered message to the Korean court by Sō Yoshishige, and the subsequent fallout. It also describes the massive army Hideyoshi assembled, the composition of the invasion force, and the Korean's underestimation of the threat.
🚢 The Invasion Begins and Initial Conquests
The paragraph describes the beginning of the Japanese invasion, with troops landing unopposed on Korean soil. It outlines the rapid progression of the Japanese forces, the lack of effective Korean naval resistance, and the initial military successes of the invaders. It also highlights the efforts of Korean general Yi Sun-shin in preparing for the inevitable conflict.
🏯 The Battle of Chungju and the Fall of Seoul
This section narrates the Battle of Chungju, where General Sin Rip's forces were overwhelmed by the Japanese. It details the panic in Seoul following the defeat, the flight of the Korean court, and the division of the Japanese forces as they advanced through Korean territory. It also discusses the strategic movements of Konishi and Kato, as well as the consolidation of Japanese gains.
🛳️ Naval Battles and Admiral Yi Sun-shin's Early Victories
The paragraph focuses on the state of the Korean navy and the initial encounters between Admiral Yi Sun-shin's forces and the Japanese fleet. It describes the Korean navy's dire situation, Yi's gathering of intelligence, and the successful naval engagements that led to the destruction of numerous Japanese ships, with Yi's forces emerging unscathed.
🐢 The Introduction of the Turtle Ship and Further Naval Successes
This section highlights the innovation of the turtle ship and its role in Admiral Yi's continued victories against the Japanese navy. It details the turtle ship's design and effectiveness in battle, the deployment of Yi's fleet, and the successful tactics used to lure and destroy Japanese ships. It also mentions the impact of these victories on the Japanese supply lines and the Korean resistance.
🏞️ The Siege of Jinju and the Turning of the War
The paragraph describes the Korean defense of Jinju against overwhelming Japanese forces. It details the strategic defense, the arrival of reinforcements, and the eventual retreat of the Japanese. It also discusses the intervention of Ming China in the war, the failed Chinese expeditionary force, and the subsequent massive Chinese response led by Li Rusong.
🏰 The Siege of Pyongyang and Its Aftermath
This section covers the Chinese siege of Pyongyang, the Japanese defense, and the eventual retreat of the Japanese forces. It discusses the aftermath of the battle, the change in momentum of the war, and the strategic movements of the Japanese and Chinese forces. It also mentions the battle of Byeokjegwan and the subsequent stalemate in the war.
🗺️ The Second Japanese Invasion and the Battle of Haengju
The paragraph details the second Japanese invasion, focusing on the brutal tactics employed by the Japanese forces. It describes the battle of Haengju, where Korean forces led by Gwon Yul achieved a remarkable victory against overwhelming odds. It also discusses the impact of the battle on the war's trajectory and the eventual liberation of Seoul by the Chinese forces.
🔥 The Fall of Jinju and the Brutality of War
This section narrates the final Japanese assault on Jinju, the failure of the Korean defense, and the subsequent massacre. It details the construction of Japanese siege engines, the eventual breach of the city walls, and the tragic fate of the city's defenders and civilians. It also discusses the broader impact of the battle on the war and the beginning of negotiations for peace.
🛶 The Reinstatement of Yi Sun-shin and the Japanese Ground Invasion
The paragraph discusses the reinstatement of Admiral Yi Sun-shin following the disastrous defeat of the Korean fleet and the subsequent Japanese ground invasion. It outlines the brutal tactics of the Japanese forces, the Korean and Ming defensive preparations, and the strategic decisions made by the Japanese to secure their advance through Korea.
🏙️ The Siege of Namwon and Japanese Atrocities
This section details the Japanese siege of Namwon, the city's inadequate defenses, and the eventual massacre of its inhabitants. It describes the Japanese strategy, the city's fall, and the brutal treatment of the civilians and soldiers. It also discusses the impact of these events on the war and the Japanese campaign in Korea.
⛵️ Admiral Yi Sun-shin's Naval Mastery and the Battle of Myeongnyang
The paragraph focuses on Admiral Yi Sun-shin's strategic naval victories, particularly the battle of Myeongnyang, where his small fleet of 13 ships held off a massive Japanese armada. It details Yi's tactics, the use of the tide, and the significant loss inflicted upon the Japanese fleet. It also mentions the personal tragedy of Yi's son's death and his subsequent efforts to rebuild the Korean navy.
🎉 The End of the War and Its Lasting Impact
This section discusses the end of the war following Toyotomi Hideyoshi's death and the withdrawal of Japanese forces from Korea. It outlines the lasting impact of the war on the participating nations, the rise of the Tokugawa shogunate in Japan, and the weakening of the Ming and Joseon dynasties. It also mentions the eventual collapse of the Ming dynasty and the establishment of the Qing dynasty.
📺 Conclusion and Acknowledgment of Sponsors
The final paragraph concludes the video with a call to action for viewers to subscribe, like, comment, and share. It acknowledges the sponsors TokyoTreat and SakuraCo, offering a discount code for viewers and information on a giveaway. It also thanks patrons and YouTube channel members for their support.
Mindmap
Keywords
💡Sengoku Jidai
💡Toyotomi Hideyoshi
💡Imjin War
💡Joseon Dynasty
💡Yi Sun-shin
💡Turtle Ship
💡Seoul
💡TokyoTreat and SakuraCo
💡Kato Kiyomasa
💡Li Rusong
💡Hideyoshi's Invasions
Highlights
Japan entered a new epoch in the 17th century, marking the end of the Sengoku Jidai and the unification under Toyotomi Hideyoshi.
Hideyoshi faced the challenge of idle warriors and turned his ambitions outwards, initiating the invasion of Korea.
The Imjin War marked a significant conflict where Japan's veteran armies invaded Korea, aiming to expand their power.
Sponsorship from TokyoTreat and SakuraCo introduces viewers to Japanese culture through snack box subscriptions.
TokyoTreat focuses on seasonal and exclusive products, while SakuraCo highlights traditional snacks and artisanal goods.
Viewers are offered a discount on their first box and a chance to win a free ticket to Japan through the sponsors.
Hideyoshi's ambition to conquer beyond Japan led to the planning of invasions into Korea and the Ming Empire.
The Sō clan's failed diplomacy with Korea set the stage for the invasion, as their envoy Yutani Yasuhiro insulted the Korean court.
Korean underestimation of Hideyoshi's military strength and internal court divisions left them unprepared for the invasion.
The Japanese invasion force was a mix of samurai and ashigaru, with a significant portion armed with arquebuses.
Yi Sun-shin, a Korean career soldier, prepared for the inevitable invasion by studying naval command and fortifying infrastructure.
Japanese forces experienced initial successes, but Korean resistance, led by figures like Yi Sun-shin, began to turn the tide.
Admiral Yi Sun-shin's innovative use of the turtle ship and strategic naval victories severely impacted Japanese supply lines.
The Battle of Hansando was a pivotal moment where Yi's naval tactics led to the destruction of a large Japanese fleet.
The Korean navy's success in maintaining control over the seas was a critical factor in resisting the Japanese invasion.
The war's impact extended beyond the conflict, influencing future relations and power dynamics in East Asia.
The conflict saw the rise of Admiral Yi Sun-shin as a national hero of Korea, whose strategic prowess was key to their resistance.
Transcripts
Japan
at the dawn of the 17th century, was entering a new epoch... The country had just been united, and
thus, the Sengoku Jidai, a near century and a half of endemic feudal warfare, had come to an end.
Peace proved to be yet another challenge for the new overlord Toyotomi Hideyoshi, for his
country was now home to hundreds of thousands of warriors with no war left to fight. Thus,
Hideyoshi turned his ambitions outwards, and now that he could harness some of the
most veteran armies in Japanese history, he would launch a devastating invasion of Korea.
Welcome to the new Kings and Generals video on the Imjin War! These long videos are very difficult to
make, so consider subscribing, liking, sharing, and commenting to earn us some grace with the
gods of the algorithm. You can support us via patreon - the link in the description,
or via youtube membership - the button is under the video.
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In the last two decades of the 16th century, the great warlord Toyotomi
Hideyoshi had more or less achieved his goal of uniting Japan’s many warring fiefs.
In 1582, he claimed Honshu in its entirety after succeeding his betrayed master, Oda Nobunaga.
Shikoku was then subdued in 1585, and Kyushu fell soon after in 1587. As the Land of the Rising Sun
came ever closer to unification, a rival daimyo who swore to follow Hideyoshi were allowed to keep
their demesnes and were promised more lands and spoils. However, once Japan was unified,
lands and spoils would be hard to deliver on, as there would be no more battles to fight or
gains to be had. Aware of this fact, he began to make plans to turn his vassals outwards in the
late 1580s, hungrily eying Korea as the initial target, and the Chinese Ming Empire after that.
These invasion plans were more than an artful solution to keep his belligerent, war-like vassals
busy. Like Nobunaga before him, Hideyoshi believed that his power ought to extend beyond the confines
of his small island nation, and was convinced his destiny was to conquer further afield.
The great unifier’s most recent conquest was the island of Tsushima, located at the midpoint of
the Tsushima Strait. The lords of this clan, the Sō, had since become Hideyoshi’s vassals, and were
ordered to deliver a message to the Koreans: which demanded their submission to the Japanese state.
This put the Sō in a difficult spot: for their long relations with the Korean Joseon
monarchy made them ideal diplomats, but an outbreak of hostilities between Korea
and Japan would damage the trade which granted the clan much of its wealth.
Aiming to soften the diplomatic blow as much as he could, Sō Yoshishige altered Hideyoshi’s
message to the Korean court, blunting much of its threats and demands, and changing it so that it
stipulated only a simple tribute mission be sent to Japan in order to confirm Korea’s respect.
However, this plan would backfire. In a lethal blunder, the Sō clan leader sent a rough,
hardened subordinate known as Yutani Yasuhiro to deliver the message, instead of going himself.
Yasuhiro conducted himself in the most indelicate way possible, insulting his Korean hosts by
degrading the size of their spears compared to the Japanese, and mocking their lifestyle.
Not content with that, the brash envoy warned: “Your country will not last long!
Having already lost the sense of order and discipline, how can you expect to survive?”.
The uncouth nature of the envoy’s conduct and the unacceptable demand,
led to the Korean refusal to pay any form of submission or respect to Hideyoshi. Naturally,
Hideyoshi was furious at the failure and ordered that Yasuhiro and his entire family be killed.
Sō Yoshishige was punished less severely, being replaced as daimyo of Tsushima by his adopted
son Yoshitoshi, who Hideyoshi considered more trustworthy. Over the next few years,
more embassies were sent from Japan to Korea and vice versa. In a crucial visit to Kyoto in 1590,
Korean courtiers failed to gather intelligence on just how powerful Hideyoshi’s military was,
leading their government to underestimate the imminent danger. Furthermore, the issue divided
the Korean court factions, named for the location of their respective headquarters in Seoul. Members
of the ‘Westerner’ faction gradually came to realize the very real peril Japan posed,
but any attempt to prepare for the invasion was actively opposed by the ‘Easterner’ group.
In Japan, a colossal war machine was gearing up in the summer of 1591, beginning with
Hideyoshi’s establishment of a massively fortified headquarters complex on the island of Kyushu.
From there, he oversaw the levying of a massive army comprising 335,000 total troops, 158,000
of which would cross to Korea itself. The levies were raised by Japan’s various daimyo lords, who,
in a system known as gun’yaku, were obliged to supply a predetermined number of men according
to the size and wealth of their fiefdom. Beyond that, other political factors could influence a
daimyo’s required contribution, such as their personal standing with Hideyoshi.
The 158,000-strong invasion force consisted of 82,200 men from Kyushu,
which was closest to Korea, 57,000 from Honshu, and 19,600 from Shikoku.
How this giant force was equipped must be discussed for a moment, and deconstruct
the commonly held romantic notions of what the Japanese armies of this age looked like.
Rather than an noble force of katana-wielding Samurai, the majority of Hideyoshi’s invading
troops were instead the humble ashigaru, peasant foot soldiers armed with swords, spears and bows.
Perhaps one-third of this army was armed with arquebuses, an early form of firearm
introduced to Japan by the Portuguese, who had made landfall in Kyushu some decades earlier.
Hideyoshi’s plan was to be a domino rolling through Asia. When the Koreans were conquered,
they were to supply manpower and material for the push into China. When the area around Beijing was
conquered, that area would supply manpower for a push further into the Middle Kingdom, and so on.
The invading force would be ferried to Korea by 700 assorted ships which, along with their crews,
were requisitioned from the various daimyo of the coastal provinces. These were mostly
repurposed merchant or civilian vessels. Though Hideyoshi had a massive army at his disposal,
in addition to high-quality military technology on land, naval power would prove a problem for him
throughout the coming conflict. In contrast, the Koreans had just two advantages over the Japanese:
their superior shipbuilding and cannon technology. These upsides, however, were overshadowed by the
fact that corruption in Korea was rampant, leaving military units neglected, untrained and lazy.
As a whole, the Joseon kingdom was not ready for the storm that was coming.
However, one man within it, later to become Korea’s most venerated war hero, certainly was:
the forty-six-year-old career soldier Yi Sun-shin. After being assigned to Cholla in late 1590,
Yi immediately understood that his province could serve as a possible beachhead for an invasion.
Determined to be as prepared as he could, he spent a year diligently studying naval command,
whipping his men into shape, and repairing infrastructure.
Meanwhile, after being delayed multiple times, three contingents of the first wave of Japanese
invaders were ready to sail by May 22nd. On the 23rd, 18,700 troops under the command of Konishi
Yukinaga and Sō Yoshitoshi set out for Busan. It was a risky voyage, for the warships earmarked
to guard the troop transports had not arrived, and so this fleet was completely vulnerable.
Though initially believing the ships on the horizon were part of an abnormally large trade
mission, the Korean commanders in the Busan region gradually came to realize that the invasion had
begun. They could have used the superior warships under their command to assault the undefended
Japanese fleet, but in a catastrophic lack of decisiveness and initiative, they failed to do so.
By nightfall on May 23rd, around 400 transports crowded the waters off Busan,
resting in the harbour completely unopposed. After a final demand for an unopposed Japanese crossing
to China was rejected, the troop landings began. At 4am on May 24th, 1592, 5,000 men under
Yoshitoshi disembarked onto land, followed by another 7,000 under Yukinaga. Eventually,
the entire first contingent had disembarked, and a Japanese army had landed on Korean soil without
a single shot being fired. After two brief sieges, the main fortresses at Busan and its harbour fell,
triggering panic among military leaders in surrounding provinces. In yet another stunning
act of military ineptitude, the incompetent Korean naval commanders scuttled their sizeable
provincial fleets and destroyed their weaponry and provisions, retreating north as quickly as
they could. With Busan secured, the proud Yukinaga refused to wait for reinforcements as instructed.
Instead, he immediately pushed north along the middle of the peninsula on May 26th, marching
at a blistering pace, likely wishing to monopolize the glory of seizing the capital for himself. This
invading force first came to the deserted town of Yangsan, then went onto secure Miryang and Daegu
on May 28th, pillaging and plundering as they did. Realising he had to mount some opposition,
the governor of Gyeongsang province, Kim Su, tried to lead a force south to meet the Japanese.
However, he soon withdrew without fighting after learning that Dongnae had also fallen.
News of the Japanese invasion had reached Yi Sun-shin in Cholla on May 25th, along
with the shocking knowledge that both of the Gyeongsang navies had already self-destructed.
However, Yi waited patiently; he had orders to defend his segment of coastline and would do so.
He remained confident that the Japanese could be defeated on the seas despite their superiority
on land, so Yi was biding his time. Meanwhile, a second Japanese army landed in Busan on May
28th under the command of Kato Kiyomasa. The troop ships this time disgorged a fearsome
contingent of 22,800 soldiers. Realising that the vanguard under Yukinaga had not waited for him,
the irritated Kiyomasa also swiftly pushed forward. He took the eastern route,
seizing the cities of Ulsan, Kyongju, Yongchon, Sinnyong, and Kumo on the path to Seoul. Kiyomasa
blazed with determination, resolved to not let his rival, Yukinaga, reach the capital before him.
On the 29th, a third prong of the invasion opened up when Hideyoshi’s third contingent
under Kuroda Nagamasa arrived at Angolpo. This force consisted of 11,000 troops who,
after seizing the nearby fort at Kimhae, would take the western route north.
Three Japanese armies were now set to converge on the Korean capital at Seoul, but they would not
get to the city totally unopposed. At Chungju, around 100 kilometers south of the capital,
the revered Joseon general Sin Rip had assembled a sizable resistance army of 8,000, and he intended
to fight. The ragtag agglomeration of cavalry troops, officers who had retreated from the south,
and hastily raised levies from the north, possibly could have held the Choryong pass,
which had been General Sin’s original plan. However, retreating Korean units revealed
that it had already been lost, so instead Sin chose to do battle at Chungju on an open field.
At midday on June 6th 1592, as the Japanese were descending from the Choryong heights,
General Sin drew up his army outside Chungju on a stretch of flat ground, hemmed in by a hill
called Tangumdae to their flank and the South Han river behind them. This was a death trap with no
possibility of retreat, and this was precisely the point. Placing troops in this kind of situation
was a long-established Chinese military tactic which had led to remarkable victories in the past.
Perhaps the Koreans could use it to halt ‘the robbers’, as they derisively called the Japanese.
As Yukinaga’s first contingent descended from the heights, Kiyomasa emerged from the eastern
route and managed to catch up with his rival daimyo near Chungju. The latter was angered
that Yukinaga had stolen the glory by storming ahead, and demanded to now take the lead with his
own force. He refused, and Kiyomasa decided that he would take revenge on his rival at Chungju.
As Yukinaga began his advance towards the city from the southeast,
the second contingent stayed behind, hoping their rivals would be defeated.
The attacking troops fanned out as they approached the town, finally emerging opposite General Sin’s
force in a vast arc. At 2PM on the afternoon of June 6th, Yukinaga divided his army into three
main units. 10,000 soldiers under himself and his retainer Matsuura Shigenobu formed the vanguard,
while Sō Yoshitoshi and his 5,000 strong contingent formed the left flank. Finally,
3,700 assorted troops commanded by their minor daimyos: Arima Harunobu, Omura Yoshiaki,
and Goto Sumiharu, were placed on the right. Arquebusiers were placed on the front lines of the
Japanese army, while behind them stood ashigaru footmen armed with melee weapons. When arrayed
in battle formation, the Japanese advanced with a roar of musket fire. It was hardly even a contest;
General Sin’s amateur forces were almost immediately overwhelmed by flying arquebus
balls and began to suffer devastating losses. The peasant soldiers began to rout under the pressure,
but the brave General would not retreat so easily. He led his crack cavalry in a headlong charge
towards the enemy line. It was to no avail. The arquebusiers rained withering musket fire down
on his horsemen, breaking the charge before any contact was made. In short order, General Sin’s
8,000 strong army had ceased to exist, many survivors of the initial slaughter being
hunted down by pursuing ashigaru soon after. Sin threw himself into a natural spring adorned in
full armour, committing suicide by drowning. The news of Sin Rip’s defeat at Chungju caused
panic in Seoul, and with no army to defend it, the Korean court decided to flee, despite the pleas
of the populace. Konishi’s decisive victory angered his rival commander Kato even more.
Some sources claim that Konishi was initially against the war, and, in a possible attempt
to damage Hideyoshi’s position, even warned the Korean court about the invasion, and was
now moving quickly to erase any evidence of his betrayal. After almost coming to blows, the two
daimyos took separate paths to Seoul. Konishi’s route was easier, looping north and west where the
Han River was not a decisive obstacle. At the same time, Kato took a shorter route directly north,
but where the river was at its widest. After performing this river crossing with considerable
ingenuity, Kato was shocked upon seeing the banners of his rival flying over the city’s
battlements. He had been beaten again by mere hours. Kuroda Nagamasa and his third contingent,
as well as Ukita Hideie’s 10,000 arrived on June 16th, 1592. The Korean capital itself
was occupied with little bloodshed. Meanwhile, the Korean court had evacuated to Pyongyang.
According to some sources, angered by their king’s abandonment of them, the angry citizens burned
many of the royal residences. Now that the
capital had been taken, the Japanese armies set out to consolidate their gains. The countryside
was pillaged largely without resistance. However, some Korean forces were still in the field.
When the Japanese started raiding the area called Yangju directly to the north of Seoul, commander
of the minor Korean unit decided to use their complacency against them. As the Japanese were
pillaging Yangju, the Koreans appeared near the village. This drew the attention of the invaders,
and a group of them moved against the Koreans, who upon contact dropped their weapons and started
running towards the nearby mountains. They were chased by the Japanese, but it was a trap. As
soon as the enemy entered the mountain pass, the Koreans hiding here surrounded and destroyed this
unit. Although the invaders lost only around 100 troops in this minor battle, it improved
the morale of the Korean armies, and forced the daimyos to be more careful in their raiding.
After leaving Seoul, Konishi and Kato, bitter rivals to the end, were split up again,
their contingents marching to quell the northwestern Pyongan province,
and the far northeastern province of Hamgyong respectively. Both were expected to reach the
Chinese frontier at the Yalu and Tumen rivers during their expeditions. Furthermore, an 11,000
strong third contingent would seize Hwanghae province. On top of this, a fourth contingent of
14,000 men would march east to quell the eastern coastal lands of Gangwon while a fifth division of
25,000 troops would subdue the west coast province of Chungcheong. 15,700 soldiers of
a sixth division set out for the bypassed Cholla province, while 30,000 men of the seventh would
hold the crucial beachhead province of Kyongsang. Finally, Ukita Hideie 10,000 would hold Seoul
itself and the neighboring Kyonggi province. Hideie himself was appointed by Hideyoshi
as an interim supreme commander. Japanese consideration now turned to logistics and supply.
However, when Kato moved his troops to the north, he found that the Koreans under Gim Myeongwon had
forced-marched their army to block the Japanese on the opposite side of the Imjin river. Although the
Japanese had 20 thousand troops and outnumbered the Koreans almost 2-to-1, the latter were in a
great position to defend. The rains had flooded the river, making the crossing even more difficult
for Kato. Before the Japanese approached the area, Gim had already burned the nearby forests
and moved all of the boats in the area to the north coast. He knew that reinforcements were
on the way, and was planning on waiting on them in his excellent defensive position.
Unfortunately for him, he didn’t have full control of his army, for half of it was commanded
by the courtier Han Ung-in, who demanded an immediate confrontation with the Japanese.
The battle of the Imjin river started on July 6th, 1592. On the first day, the armies exchanged arrow
and cannon volleys, but as the distance between two was significant, neither side suffered much.
On the second day, the Koreans received 3000 cavalry reinforcements.
For Kato, it was clear that he had to do something to make the enemy move, or
otherwise his situation would become untenable, so he ordered three quarters of his army to retreat.
The experienced Gim knew this was a trap, having already seen this tactic fighting
the Jurchen peoples in the north, but inexperienced general Sin Hal was sure
that he was about to score a glorious victory, and decided to attack. Han Ung-in supported him,
and even ordered the execution of one of the generals who opposed the attack.
Gim couldn’t let the army advance without him, so had no choice but to join Sin Hal when the latter
started crossing the river. Soon the entire Korean army was on the south side of the Imjin river.
Showing no signs of resistance, the 5000 Japanese started fleeing, which only encouraged Sin Hal.
Both armies entered a mountainous area to the south, and immediately after the Koreans were deep
enough, Kato gave the order: muskets sent volley after volley into the pursuers. The battle was
over in a matter of minutes. The Japanese lost almost no troops, while more than 10 thousand
Koreans were dead, with only a portion of the cavalry managing to flee back across the river.
Kato was now free to move north, but logistics was still a huge problem for the invading army.
With its task of ferrying eight armies now complete, the 700-ship strong Japanese
fleet began probing west from Busan, along the treacherous Korean south coast. They
were moving directly towards Cholla, where the Yi Sun-shin held command.
The Korean navy as a whole was in a dire state, as most of the vessels of Gyeongsang were burned
or scuttled. The commander of the remaining ships, Won Gyun went into hiding among the many coves and
inlets along Korea’s southern coast, and sent a letter to Admiral Yi asking for help. But before
he acted, Yi started gathering intelligence on Japanese naval movements. Moreover,
he hoped to organise a united fleet of 90 ships with other admirals in the area. Some of Yi’s men
were executed and their heads were displayed to the others in order to improve defeatist moods.
However on June 12th - the day Seoul fell to Japanese ground forces - Yi was forced to sail.
King Seonjo’s court issued orders for him to unite his vessels with those of Won Gyun.
On June 13th, Yi Sun-shin led his fleet out of Yeosu harbour.
It was made up of 39 fighting vessels - 24 large panoksons,
15 smaller decked hyeupson fighting ships, and 46 lighter scout ships known as ‘sea ears’.
After rendezvousing with Won at Dang’po, Yi slowly sailed to the east. As his makeshift
navy rounded the edge of Koje Island and began working its way north, a scout ship
approached them with a message that a fleet of Japanese ships was at anchor in Ok-po port.
This village was situated inside a large bay not too far up the coast of Koje island,
so it was there that the first naval battle of the war would be fought.
As Korean naval forces entered the bay, Yi ordered his smaller ships to the flanks while
the heavier warships, including Yi’s flagship, formed a line in the centre.
He sent a message to each of his captains, warning them not to give way, but to ‘stand like mountain
castles’. Then, he ordered an advance. More than 50 enemy transports were at anchor in front of
Ok-po village. Most were unmanned, ransacking the village in search of loot and setting fire
to houses. Only when Korean ships neared them were they seen by the Japanese, due to the fact
that smoke from the burning village obscured their vision. The Japanese hastily rushed back to their
ships, attempting to lift anchor and then hugging the coast rather than heading for the open sea.
Yi’s fleet attacked, engaging the Japanese at a distance and encircling them before opening
fire with cannons and fire arrows to the beat of their admiral’s war drum. Though
Japanese arquebusiers attempted to fire back, the distance meant that Yi’s enemies could not
attempt boarding actions, and they were gradually destroyed one ship at a time.
When this fleet had broken, its crewmen dead or fleeing back to shore , five more ships
were spotted in the evening near Happo, four of which were also destroyed by Yi. 26 ships of the
Japanese navy were destroyed on the first day, without a single loss for Yi Sun-shin’s armada.
The next morning, 13 additional Japanese ships were spotted near Jinhae. Yi once
again destroyed 11 out of that number without suffering any losses. During these victories,
Admiral Yi was often amused by the exotic trophies taken from enemy ships, particularly their
elaborately ornate helmets, which were sent to the king Seonjo alongside the news of the victory.
The harrowing experience of civilians Yi encountered after Ok’po further enraged him,
providing proof to him of Japan’s savagery. The admiral then retreated back to Yeosu in
order to reorganise his forces. These naval defeats made the Japanese realise that the
Korean navy was not yet defeated, and they sent a force of ships to deal with Yi in early July.
Being notified of this expedition to destroy him, the admiral sailed east on July 8th with only 23
warships. He had discarded the smaller ‘sea ear’ scout ships and replaced them with something
altogether more formidable and far more famous - the kobukson, otherwise known as the turtle ship.
The turtle ship was twenty-eight meters long, nine meters wide, and six meters high,
making it a fairly large ship for the time. It sat low in the water, which allowed it to come
in under the massive Japanese castle ships and blast their hulls with cannon fire and
archery. A sloping roof of planks bristling with iron spikes was also laid on top of the hull,
encasing the vessel like the shell of a turtle, hence the name. Around 15 of the
advanced Korean cannons were mounted on each of these ships, along with a platform of archers.
With his ships ready for battle, Admiral Yi sailed for Sacheon, where around 50 Japanese ships were
anchored, including 12 warships. The Japanese troops were fortified on the cliffs above the bay,
where the Japanese commander - Wakizaka Yasuharu - made his command post . Though Yi realised that
he could not risk closing with an enemy which possessed such fire support from the land,
he also knew the Japanese capacity for arrogance. So, he sent a small force
into the bay as bait and then had it turn and retreat, as though fleeing in terror.
Seeing this apparent display of weakness, Yasuharu’s men ran down from the heights
and embarked on their ships, pursuing Yi’s navy into the middle of the bay.
Witnessing the success of his lure, the Korean admiral ordered an assault,
with the invincible turtle ships leading the advance. They crashed into the middle
of the enemy formation and unleashed a storm of cannon fire and arrows in all directions,
causing massive losses among the Japanese vessels. The nimbler Korean vessels were also again able to
avoid Japanese boarding actions. As his forces neared victory and the enemy ships sank one at
a time, Yi was hit by a stray arquebus bullet in the shoulder, but remained stoic. After the
enemy fleet had been destroyed, Yi supposedly withdrew a knife and dug the bullet out with
it. When the battle was over, every ship which had pursued him lay burning on the sea or sunk.
Victories kept on coming in the days after Sacheon. Firstly, at Dang’po , Admiral Yi
defeated a 21-ship strong Japanese fleet, once again using his turtle ships to break apart and
wreak havoc within the enemy formation. Soon after, the Koreans advanced on a 26
strong anchored enemy armada at Danghangp’o . All but one of the Japanese vessels were
destroyed after Yi lured them into the open and smashed their battle line to pieces.
The land war was still not going well, but Yi made sure the position of his realm was
supreme on the sea. Back in Japan, Hideyoshi was livid at the continued resistance of this
small Korean fleet, and angrily ordered his admirals Wakizaka Yasuharu, Kato Yoshiaki,
and Kuki Yoshitaka to cease their useless inland plundering and annihilate Yi Sun-shin.
The advancing armies needed supplies and reinforcements, but the Korean navy was stopping
them. At the time, Yasuharu’s 82 vessel fleet was the only one ready for the upcoming fight,
and the proud daimyo chose to act alone. He would gain the glory from crushing Yi.
The following morning - August 15th - Admiral Yi deployed his fleet in a bay
near the island of Hansando. Admiral Won wanted to just attack Yasuharu’s fleet,
but Yi refused. Rather than meeting Yasuharu’s fleet in the narrows of Kyonnaerang where Yi’s
ships might collide with one another, he sent six panokson warships forward as bait for a trap.
When these ships emerged into visual range of the enemy, they switched direction and fled.
Predictably, the victory-hungry Japanese fleet came barrelling in pursuit.
As they emerged into the open sea, the Korean fleet spread into a semicircular Crane’s Wing
formation, light vessels on the flanks, while the heavier ships formed a sturdy centre.
When everything was in place, Yi ordered a charge. Immediately the more nimble wings
enveloped all of Yasuharu’s vessels, darting in and out whilst showering the enemy with cannon
fire and archery. At the same time, the heavier centre - fronted by three turtle ships - smashed
directly into the enemy formation. Shooting from all sides, the monstrous turtle ships tore many
Japanese ships apart with cannon, while the heavy panokson warships stayed at a distance,
using their advantage in artillery to tear into the Japanese. In particular,
metal-cased fire bombs were shot from mortars located on the decks of panokson craft.
Only when the opposing ships were crippled did the admiral give the order to board and finish
them off in melee. After many hours of this drubbing, Yasuharu realised he was defeated
and fled to a fast ship, barely managing to escape. Two of his relatives - Wakizaka Sabei
and Watanabe Shichi’emon - were not so lucky, and were killed in the fighting. Of 82 Japanese
vessels that had sailed through Kyonnaerang that day, only 14 survived the Battle of Hansando.
The two colleagues of Yasuharu whom he had left behind before the battle - Yoshitaka and
Yoshiaki - were quickly informed of the disaster. They set sail immediately and reached Angolp’o,
where they ran into the battered remnants of Yasuharu’s forces. One day later on the 16th
of August 1592, favourable winds prompted Yi to follow his defeated foe, arriving outside
the Angolp’o harbour and deploying his navy in the crane’s wing formation once again.
This time he faced a total of 42 Japanese warships at anchor, protected by their own armaments,
land fortifications on the nearby coast, and shallow waters in the bay itself.
Yi first attempted to lure the Japanese out with bait as he had many times before,
but the Hansando experience wisened his enemy to that tactic, and it garnered no response. Instead,
the Korean admiral changed tactics, arranging for a continuous relay of ship squadrons to row into
cannon range, unleash their destructive artillery volleys on the Japanese and then withdraw to
safety. This rolling bombardment was devastatingly successful. Almost all of the ‘pirates’,
as Yi called them, were killed, especially on the larger craft which had been the primary targets.
Seeing that a few ships had been left undamaged, Yi now called his vessels off.
Many Japanese had escaped to the nearby shore and would probably wreak a terrible vengeance
on Korean civilians if their means of escape was destroyed. Aiming to avoid unnecessary
suffering among his people, the Joseon fleet withdrew to open water for the night.
When they returned at dawn the following day, all Japanese survivors had fled,
and the local inhabitants were unharmed. Yi still had not lost a single vessel in combat.
At this point, Yi began to receive troubling reports that ashigaru land armies were advancing
into Cholla, and consequently withdrew to his base at Yeosu. Though some Japanese prisoners
had escaped the admiral’s wrath, it was only a minor speck on what had otherwise been a great
naval campaign. Yi’s success was impressive. He was beginning to strangle the life out of
Japan’s invasion, but his rise to become the national hero of Korea was only just beginning.
While Yi Sun-shin was making a name for himself in the seas of the south, in the north of the
country, the Japanese general Kato Kiyomasa, sought to gain more glory as well. In early
September and after capturing and sending two Korean princes down to Kyeong Seong with an armed
escort with an armed escort of 1000 men, Kato prepared for a short incursion into Manchuria,
where Jurchen tribes lived. The Japanese called these people Orangai, from the Korean word oranke,
which means barbarian. This symbolic expedition against the barbarians across the Tumen river
served a more practical purpose as well; Kiyomasa would be able to test his army against a possible
future foe and collect invaluable information as to how the semi-nomadic Jurchens fought.
To aid him in this new military endeavor he recruited Koreans from the Hamgyong province
to act as his guides and vanguard. The locals had no love for the northern barbarians as the
latter frequently raided their villages, so they were more than eager to offer their services to
the Japanese and a sizable force of 3000 Korean allies was assembled, ready to serve Kiyomasa.
With his army now totalling around 11000 men, Kato Kiyomasa became the first Japanese general
to cross into China; unbeknownst to him he would also be the only one to do so at that time. They
soon came upon an Orangai castle and at dawn the Japanese drew up their ranks and prepared for an
assault. However, they soon became aware that even though the castle seemed formidable it was lightly
defended. As such the Koreans advanced on the front of the fort while the Japanese troops went
around the mountain to the rear of the fortress and working in groups of 50 or 30 they managed to
pull out the stones using crowbars and the wall collapsed. The Japanese entered the castle and
after some fierce arquebus volleys they killed the small garrison and captured the Jurchen fortress.
Despite this success, Kiyomasa, perhaps knowing that a Jurchen counterattack was incoming,
decided to pull back towards the Korean border and made camp for the night on a hill.
The following morning the Koreans headed back across the Tumen leaving the Japanese to face
an army of around 10000 angry Jurchens. Although Kiyomasa’s chronicler informs us that for every
Japanese dead the Jurchens suffered 30 casualties, the attackers refused to give up and continued
their ferocious assault. So fierce was the fight that at one point Kiyomasa’s standard bearer was
killed next to him and the Japanese general had to hold it with his own hands. He also
gave orders that the heads of the enemies were not to be collected as trophies but only counted, for
every samurai was needed for the fight. Even after 8000 heads were tallied the Jurchens continued to
fight. Their attack finally came to a stop when an exceptionally heavy rain started falling in
a way that it blew directly into their faces and so they withdrew. Well satisfied with his
troops performance and the results of this short campaign, Kato Kiyomasa crossed in turn the Tumen
river and continued eastwards towards the seas capturing a series of Korean forts along the way.
Kato Kiyomasa’s scouting expedition to Manchuria was the closest the Japanese reached to invading
China, their true objective. But to amass a force large enough to invade the Middle Kingdom they
needed to dominate the sea around Korea. However, Admiral Yi inflicted defeat upon defeat on the
Japanese navy and one month after Kiyomasa’s incursion over the Tumen river, he would strike
again putting an end to Japanese ambitions of invading China. Following the extraordinary
success of the Hansando-Angolpo campaign, admiral Yi had returned to his base at Yosu in the Cholla
Province. There his fleet was reinforced with ships that had been hastily put into production
upon the outbreak of the war. With 166 vessels under his command, 74 being large battleships,
Yi Sun-sin fathomed a plan to wash away the national disgrace and directly attack Busan.
Joined by fellow commanders Yi Ok-ki and Won Kyun he reached the estuary of the Naktong river on
the 4th of October and sent a scouting raft that came back reporting that 500 Japanese ships were
anchored inside the city’s harbor. The size of the Japanese fleet didn’t seem to deter the Korean
admiral who, emboldened by his previous victories, decided to attack the following day. Facing a
strong east wind and fighting against the rough seas the Korean fleet made its way towards Busan.
In the waters just off the harbor they encountered 24 Japanese ships organized in small groups.
These ships were easily burned and destroyed and the Koreans entered the harbor itself;
witnessing the Japanese armada that was split in 3 large masses anchored near the shore.
The Japanese crews realising that there was no time to set sail and fight the enemy at the sea,
jumped overboard and headed for the fortifications on the heights above the shore, from where they
would mount their defence. Just like Sacheon, the Koreans approached as closely as they could
and bombarded the unmanned Japanese ships with their cannons while also showering them with fire
arrows. The Japanese well protected behind their fortifications tried to prevent the destruction
of their fleet by unleashing barrages of musket fire and arrows and making use of Korean cannons
that had been captured in Busan and Dongnae, whereas others were frantically trying to repair
their damaged ships. However, only the coming of night could stop the Koreans who withdrew
to the open seas after destroying 130 Japanese vessels. On the other hand only five Koreans
died during the battle and 25 were wounded. This time as well, Admiral Yi lost no ships.
Emboldened by his triumphant victory he initially wanted to return to Busan the following morning
and inflict further damage upon the Japanese but reconsidered his choice as the sinking of the
entire fleet would leave the invaders trapped in Korea with no avenue of retreat, something
Sun Tzu in his Art of War advises against. The defeat at Busan and the loss of around a quarter
of their fleet extinguished any lingering hopes the Japanese might have had of amassing an army
in the north large enough to invade China. ________________________________________
The victories Admiral Yi Sun-shin had won at sea had prevented the entry of his Japanese foes into
the Yellow Sea, rendering them unable to reinforce and resupply their armies on land. Meanwhile,
Korean ground forces behind the Japanese lines were doing the same. In the countryside and
wilderness of the countryside, guerilla armies began to form almost immediately,
reacting to the cruelty they and their countrymen experienced at the hands of the enemy. Resistance
leaders such as Ko Kyong-myong, Cho Hon, and Kwak Chae-u set up ambushes to trap enemy troops and
preyed on vulnerable Japanese supply barges that were using Korea’s rivers for transport.
These actions further hampered the logistics of Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s conquering army in much
the same way Admiral Yi was doing at sea. Motivated partly by patriotism, and partly
by a desire to raise the social status of their kin, an estimated 22,000 irregular fighters and
84,500 regular soldiers from the Yalu River in the north to the Naktong Delta in the south rejoined
the fight as guerilla warriors in 1592, among them 8,000 Buddhist monks. In November of 1592,
Korean guerilla forces contributed to the successful defence of Jinju, a battle which
caused many Japanese casualties, and humiliated the daimyo generals. Most crucially, all of the
chaos behind Hideyoshi’s lines was giving Korea time, and time was exactly what Korea needed.
The bastion which guarded the Jeolla province, Castle Jinju had a reputation
of being unassailable. Still untouched by the war, Jeolla represented the potential of loot
for the invading Japanese troops. It also served as the hideout for Gwak Jaeu’s Righteous Army,
one of the partisan groups assailing Japanese supply lines. Thus, Ukita Hideie and Hosokawa
Tadaoki agreed that they had to capture Jinju, and so they dispatched a 20000 men strong army
under the leadership of Kato Mitsuyasu, Hasegawa Hidekazu, Nagaoka Tadaoki and Kimura Sigeji,
which after reconquering Changwon, arrived outside the walls of Jinju on November 8.
Guarding the fortress was a 3,800 strong Korean garrison led by Kim Shi-min,
who was determined to hold the fortified city. The despite being direly outnumbered,
the Koreans had one advantage: their artillery, for they were well equipped with cannons, mortars,
and bombs, as well as 170 new arquebuses that were equal to those the Japanese used.
The Japanese army advanced from 3 sides, and once the ashigaru gunners were in firing range,
they unleashed a volley in an attempt to scare the garrison into surrendering the castle without
a fight. This ploy had paid off in the past, but it wouldn’t work this time around. As the Japanese
came closer to the walls, the defenders unleashed hell, as arquebus fire, bombs and heavy stones
fell on the attackers who weren’t expecting such stiff resistance. After falling back for a while,
the Japanese resumed their offense, this time under the cover of shields made of bamboo and
massed volleys from their arquebusiers. When the besiegers reached the walls, they placed scaling
ladders, but the defenders, ignoring the bullets, used axes and stones to smash the ladders.
Japanese labourers also constructed a siege tower, and from its advantageous height,
the ashigaru fired over the walls and into the city. For three days, wave upon wave of Japanese
attackers crashed on the walls of Jinju, only to be pushed back by a hail of projectiles from
the defenders, who even threw flaming bundles of straw filled with gunpowder down upon their foes.
Finally, on the night of the 11th, groups belonging to the righteous army sent
by Gwak jae-u arrived to aid in the defense of the castle. Because they were too few to be an
effective relief force, they went up on a nearby hill, where they lit many torches so as to trick
the Japanese that a large force had flanked them. The guerrillas were soon joined by 3000 more men,
forcing the Japanese to divert a portion of their troops to guard against an attack from them.
Despite that, the besiegers remained focused on their objective, but were still unable to overcome
the staunch Korean defense. On the final day, the Japanese decided that if brute force wasn’t
enough, then maybe a clever stratagem could work. In the early morning hours of November the 13th,
they illuminated their camp with more torches than usual as to be visible by the Koreans,
and pretended to pack up their gear and prepare to leave. At the time of a given signal,
the torches were extinguished and an all-out assault on the opposite side of the city along
the northern and eastern gates was launched. The Koreans rushed to defend, with Kim Shimin
in the van, fighting beside his men, only to have a bullet mortally wound him in his left forehead,
but this was kept from his men so they would not lose heart. The Korean garrison was already
in a perilous situation as ammunition was running low, but they were saved when a Korean detachment
arrived by boat up the Nam river, bringing with them supplies, and encouraging the defenders
to continue. With casualties once more piling high, the Japanese commanders halted the attack.
Fearing a counterattack from the rear, they decided, much to Hideyoshi’s fury, to abandon the
siege altogether and head back to Changwon under the cover of a sudden downpour. The Korean army,
exhausted and low on supplies and ammunition, didn't attempt to pursue the retreating Japanese.
The situation was about to become a lot worse for the Japanese when, in late 1592, Ming China,
which had long been a suzerain and protector of Korea, finally began its intervention in
the war. Initially, a Chinese expeditionary force of 3,000 troops under the command of the reckless
Zu Chengxun was ordered to take Pyongyang, but was destroyed when it became trapped and
outnumbered inside the city. While this victory made the Japanese optimistic at first, the samurai
commanders soon realized that the Chinese would be back soon, and in massive numbers. Worried
about this, and the vulnerable state of Pyongyang, Konishi Yukinaga went south to Seoul in order to
meet with his supreme commander: Ukita Hideie, so that they might discuss these urgent matters. It
turned out that Japanese anxieties were justified, for in January of 1593, after crushing the Ningxia
revolt back home, the Chinese commander Li Rusong slowly led a large army of Ming troops into Korea,
wisely using scouts and spies to gather intelligence on Japanese positions as he advanced.
After some minor skirmishes, Li Rusong’s forces approached Pyongyang on February 5th.
An initial Japanese sortie from the gates was crushed by a feigned retreat, but it was clear
that recapturing the city would present a massive challenge. Pyongyang enjoyed a strong defensive
position, flanked to the east by the Taedong River and northwest by the Pothong River. Moreover, it
possessed some of Korea’s most formidable walls, which had been continuously reinforced throughout
the centuries, forming a crude, elongated triangle lying between the two rivers, within which were
six gates. Meanwhile, the entrances along the Taedong River were left lightly defended,
with each of the four landward gates garrisoned by 2,000 Japanese soldiers apiece. Moreover,
Konishi Yukinaga and 2,000 elite bodyguard troops were deployed on Mount Moranbong,
a 70-meter-high fortified vista from which a commanding view of surroundings could be had.
Overall, roughly 15,000 men of the first contingent defended Pyongyang.
By the time he arrived at Pyongyang, Li Rusong’s 43,000 strong Imperial army had
been further swollen by many thousands of Koreans and 5,000 warrior monks. He set up
his own headquarters on high ground west of the Pothong River, personally commanding 9,000 troops.
Around the city, the general distributed various detachments under his subordinates to assault
the various gates. 10,000 soldiers under Zhang Shijue were set up opposite the Chilsong gate,
11,000 under Yang Yuan formed up facing the Pothong gate, and a further 10,000 under Li
Rubo prepared to assault the Hangu gate. Finally, 9,000 Koreans under their native commanders Yi Il
and Kim Ungso were ordered to the Changyong gate. The Chinese cannons, capable of firing
large stones over two kilometers, were distributed evenly around the siege lines under heavy guard.
After an attempt to assassinate Konishi Yukinaga failed, the assault began.
Spearheading the assault were 3,000 warrior monks, capable warriors under the command of Hyujong,
a master monk. On the morning of February 6th 1593, these brave religious warriors advanced
up the northern slope of Mount Moranbong, attempting to scale the hill walls. In the
face of withering arquebus fire from the Japanese on the fortifications, they suffered hundreds of
casualties, but persevered nonetheless. As the defenders began to tire in the late afternoon,
the monks were joined by a Chinese unit under We Weizhong, whose troops began to scale Mount
Moranbong from the west. This contingent began to breach the area, streaming onto the mountain
behind Yukinaga’s lines. All of a sudden, Yukinaga was surrounded, and there was a danger he would be
killed. At that moment, Sō Yoshitomo: a compatriot of Yukinaga, led a counterattack from the main
city and broke the Chinese encirclement on Mount Moranbong, allowing the remnants of Yukinaga’s
2,000 strong guard to retreat. That evening, the Japanese abandoned the mountain, instead
taking up positions in their recently constructed citadel, a construction of primitive earthworks.
The next morning, Li Rusong ordered a general assault on Pyongyang with all forces engaged.
As the first blast of cannon fire sounded, the general advanced at the head of his troops, only
to be met with a storm of Japanese arquebus fire, rocks, arrows and boiling water. Aiming to blunt
this dogged resistance, Ming cannons continuously battered the walls and gates of Pyongyang,
aiming to soften them up. At the same time, incendiary bombs and fire arrows were loosed into
the city itself, causing chaos, setting fire to buildings and even the forest outside of the city.
Under the hail of projectiles, Chinese and Joseon casualties mounted, forming mounds
of corpses which their comrades climbed upon to advance. To further stiffen his men’s resolve,
Li Rusong publicly killed a deserting soldier and then offered 5,000 ounces of silver to any
brave man who would breach the walls first. With the unbearable pressure of artillery bombardment
and the infantry assault, in addition to the employment of the famous ‘cloud ladders’ of
Chinese siege warfare, Pyongyang’s defenses broke. The Chilsong gate and the surrounding
wall collapsed, allowing Ming troops and surviving warrior monks inside. Meanwhile, at the shattered
Pothong gate, Luo Shangzhi, swinging his halberd, was one of the first to enter the city.
Now under intense pressure, the defensive ring along the walls of Pyongyang fell apart,
resulting in a Japanese withdrawal to the inner citadel. This hastily constructed fortification
was apparently built with holes in its side for arquebusiers to fire through, which caused it to
look like a beehive. The sophisticated Chinese officers, looking with scorn at the ‘primitive’
and ‘barbarian’ citadel, immediately ordered an assault in massed ranks. This proved to be
a dreadful mistake. Japanese troops fired volley after volley of arquebus shots into the tightly
packed Ming and Korean soldiers, causing massive casualties and breaking the assault’s momentum.
When Yukinaga saw some enemies retreating from the city altogether, he led a sortie from the
citadel in an attempt to break the siege, but was methodically driven back by concentrated Chinese
cannon fire. As daylight waned, the Japanese were still in control of the inner fortress, but were
badly bloodied. Li Rusong decided to pull his men back for the night so that they could rest.
Meanwhile, inside the citadel, Yukinaga held a war council. It was quickly decided
their position was untenable and the Japanese decided to retreat.
Under the cover of darkness, the entire remaining garrison quietly withdrew through the Changyong
gate and across the frozen Taedong River. According to samurai Yoshino Jingoza’emon,
who was present during the retreat, wounded men were routinely abandoned, while those exhausted
men simply crawled along the road. Yukinaga’s men hoped to rest at a communication fort at Pungsan,
but it had been abandoned by its commander, who assumed Yukinaga had already been annihilated.
This Ming-dominated victory at Pyongyang was a change in momentum. While at the start of
the war the Japanese had seemed unstoppable, it was now Li Rusong’s army that advanced,
and the Japanese who were in a headlong retreat. Nevertheless, the Japanese sixth contingent under
Kobayakawa Takakage managed to lure Li into a trap, defeating his army at the battle of
Byeokjegwan. This would prove to be one of the biggest pitched battles of the invasion, and one
which the Chinese general only narrowly escaped before withdrawing his army north to recover.
Having heard of the Ming victories in the north and at Pyongyang,
a gifted Korean general known as Gwon Yul marched 2,300 troops to garrison the fortress of Haengju,
situated on a hill 13 kilometers north of Seoul. The delay caused by Li Rusong’s tactical defeat
gave the Japanese some breathing room, and allowed Ukita Hideie to march straight at Haengju with
30,000 soldiers, among whom including the reconstituted forces of Yukinaga who
had regrouped after fleeing Pyongyang. They would soon meet Gwon Yul’s army in the field,
fully expecting to crush the tiny and bothersome force without any issue.
However, the ensuing battle would not go the way the Japanese were expecting it to.
At 6am on the 14th of March 1593, Ukita’s army encircled Haengju and marched up the slopes
leading up to it from all directions. Unbeknownst to the Japanese, however,
the Koreans were waiting and ready for them. Dug in behind formidable entrenchments, Gwon Yul’s
forces sent a barrage of bowfire, arquebus shots, delayed-action mortar bombs, rocks and even tree
trunks down on the attackers. Most infamous were the Korean hwacha: medieval rocket launchers
capable of loading up to 100 steel tipped rockets. Despite this rabidly fearsome defense, Japan’s
numerical superiority paid off, and the Koreans were forced back to the second defensive line,
but their artillery caused devastating casualties upon the massed Japanese waves. Nine attacks were
made in total, and all nine attacks were repelled. Overall, some sources claim up to 10,000 attackers
ended up dead or wounded. Outnumbered by more than 10 to 1, Gwon Yul had gained victory.
This remarkable triumph prompted the Chinese commander, Li Rusong, to once again move south.
Having been despondent after his prior defeat against the Japanese, his huge Ming army now
advanced south once again. In Seoul, the situation was horrible for the Japanese soldiery. Frostbite,
starvation and disease had worn down the expeditionary army to around 53,000 total troops
from its original 150,000, and it was clear that operations would need to cease for the time being.
The remaining armies of Japan decided on a southward retreat to their coastal
fortress at Busan, and as a result, the Chinese army liberated Seoul on May 19th.
After this, logistical constraints and a cautious approach meant that the war ground down into a
stalemate, with neither side making any decisive movements. Diplomacy also took place during this
unenforced truce, and Li Rusong sent envoys to meet with the daimyo generals in Busan,
discussing topics such as troop withdrawal from the provinces and assigning blame for the war.
Nevertheless, this was not an indication that Japan was militarily spent, and the generals
now began to prepare for a punitive destruction of Jinju. Hideyoshi’s forces had failed to take
the strongly fortified city in 1592, much to their humiliation and dishonor, and they would
now avenge that loss. So, despite negotiating with the Ming Chinese at the same time, Hideyoshi sent
the order to wipe Jinju off the map. Having heard of the Japanese plans, the Koreans had
managed to assemble around 4,000 troops in the city, ready to defend it to the death.
On the 20th of July 1593, supreme commander Ukita Hideie arrived outside the city with an army
90,000 men strong, swollen by recent reinforcements from the homeland. To the western
edge of the city, Konishi Yukinaga commanded 26,000 men, while his rival Kato Kiyomasa led
25,000 to the north. On the eastern flank of Jinju was Ukita Hideie himself, with 17,000 troops under
his leadership. Behind these assault forces was a ring of Japanese troops facing outward, to guard
against any possible Ming assault on the siege lines. Furthermore, the besieging army placed
contingents on the hills near the city in order to repel any reinforcements that came to relieve
Jinju. To the northwest Kobayakawa Takakage, the victor of Byeokjegwan, held authority over 8,700
troops, while Mori Hidemoto were stationed to the northeast with 13,000. Finally, Kikkawa Hiroie had
several thousand more across the Nam river, to clean up any trouble to the city’s south.
Throughout July 21st, the Japanese laboured to drain the newly built moat outside the city.
In this, they found limited success, as outer sections of the dykes were destroyed,
and the channel was filled with rocks, earth and brushwood. This set the stage for a general attack
on the landward side of the city the next day. Using scaling ladders to storm the walls, Japanese
troops fought fiercely and almost penetrated the city’s defenses, but clever Korean use of
artillery and fire arrows drove them back. As the 23rd dawned, large and static siege towers were
constructed in order to facilitate observation and arquebus fire into the city. However,
this was not successful, as destructive Korean cannon fire shot the towers to pieces one by one.
Things seemed to be looking better for the defenders when a local army marched
toward Jinju from the east in an attempt to relieve it. However,
these reinforcements were quickly pushed away by Hidemoto’s northeast rearguard. On July 25th,
Hideie sent a message into the castle, calling on Gim Cheonil, the garrison commander, to surrender.
The supreme commander received no reply. Japanese forces tried again on the 26th.
This time a series of ‘tortoise shell wagons’ with boarded roofs were constructed, providing
protection for advancing troops while sappers mined foundation stones from the ramparts. It
made some progress, but this assault was pushed back when bundles of combustibles dropped off
the walls were set alight, burning the protective shells. Nevertheless, it was becoming clear that
the garrison was running out of things to throw at Hideie’s army. Undaunted by the previous failure,
Kato Kiyomasa ordered that new tortoise wagons were to be readied, and this time
fireproofed by covering them with ox hide. On the 27th a new attack began which focused on
the cornerstones of the northeastern section of the wall. During the day, a heavy rainstorm
broke out which undermined the foundations, eventually collapsing this pressured section.
Taking advantage of the breach, Japanese troops began to storm the city through the gap. Korean
resistance collapsed almost immediately after this. Gim Cheonil, observing events from a tower
in the centre of Jinju, decided to commit suicide rather than surrender to the enemy. This was the
end of Jinju. Terrified civilians and soldiers alike attempted to flee a brutal ensuing massacre
by jumping into the Nam River, but were cruelly cut down on the far bank by Kikkawa’s troops. When
the chaos was over, Japanese records claim that 20,000 heads were taken in total, while Korean
annals claim 60,000 died at Jinju, a testament to Japanese barbarism. The Nam River flowed red
with blood that night, and its banks were choked with headless corpses as far as the eye could see.
Despite the totality and brutality of this Japanese victory, it did little to
change the overall course of the war. Soon, the Japanese were forced to retreat back
to the chain of coastal fortresses they controlled in the south, known as wajo.
Negotiations began, a ceasefire was imposed and a Ming emissary was sent to Japan to discuss terms
with Toyotomi Hideyoshi. Gradually, the daimyo and their men started to return to their homeland.
To the north, the Chinese also withdrew their expeditionary force home.
Though peace talks would continue for years after this and the first invasion of Korea
was essentially over, the war was not done. King Seonjo arrived back in the Joseon capital
of Seoul on October 24th 1593 after an exile of more than a year. Though the majority of
his country had been reclaimed, it was completely drained of resources and its
population in the grips of terrible famine. Royal treasuries sat empty, many productive settlements
had been destroyed, and much economic devastation had been caused by the war.
The rebuilding effort would be headed by newly appointed Prime Minister Ryu Seong-ryong, who
prioritized national defence. All over the nation, and especially in the Japanese occupied south, the
Joseon government began to construct impregnable mountain fortresses, situated to take advantage
of the terrain. Furthermore, modernisation reforms in the Joseon military were undertaken from late
1593 onwards. Unit organization was tuned and adjusted, and new weapons such as modern
firearms and more advanced battle tactics were adopted. Reconstruction throughout the following
years gradually brought normalcy back to Korean life, but this also came with the dangers which
had plagued King Seonjo’s government before the war, as Factional court politics now re-emerged.
The labyrinthine rivalry between westerner and easterner factions reignited with greater
intensity than before. The Prime Minister was a prominent member of the easterner faction,
but going after a man of his lofty status was too dangerous, so his enemies decided on a
softer target. Admiral Yi Sun-shin was a childhood friend of Ryu Seong-ryong, and had recently been
promoted to commander of the Korean navy in the south. In discrediting this decorated admiral,
the westerners had a mole: Yi’s underling Won Gyun, who during the first Japanese invasion,
had cunningly intrigued against the victorious Yi, constantly sending unfavourable reports
northward, grounded in nothing but lies. This factional infighting did not bode well,
especially since, as they were happening, diplomatic failures between Japan and China
had provoked Toyotomi Hideyoshi into preparing a second invasion.
In comparison to the grand continental conquest envisioned in the prior assault, this second
attack was to be a simple grab for Korea’s southern half. One of the most important lessons
learned by the daimyo was just how critical of a threat the Korean navy was. So, the Japanese
commanders aimed to achieve supremacy at sea by two means: assembling a far stronger fleet than
the one before, and weakening the enemy fleet by neutralizing its prodigious commander: Admiral Yi.
To that end, Japanese forces began heavily reinforcing their armies in Korea. In addition
to the roughly 20,000 remaining garrison troops in the coastal wajo fortresses, 121,000 more soldiers
were to be mobilised. Under the supreme authority of the fifteen-year-old Kobayakawa Hideaki,
Japanese soldiers ever so slowly began returning to enemy soil in March of 1597.
After they did, Hideyoshi’s forces did not launch an instant assault,
but instead stalled for months on end waiting for harvest season.
By plundering local farmers during this plentiful time of year, the Japanese forces could live off
the land more easily, relatively unaided by vulnerable supply lines. Moreover, Hideyoshi’s
plan was to march through the southwest province of Cholla - known as the breadbasket of Korea.
Before the land invasion even began, events at sea were to prove utterly disastrous for the defenders
as Japanese intrigue bore fruit. Konishi Yukinaga sent a spy named Yojiro to inform the Korean high
command that he was eager to extinguish his rival, Kato Kiyomasa, for good. To this end, he provided
a precise location as to where the lethal Korean navy could easily ambush the hated commander at
sea. The gullible Joseon court believed him, and sent Yi Sun-shin the order to prepare the attack.
Upon receiving this order, Admiral Yi was immediately suspicious. Not trusting the
Japanese-given information and thinking that this sounded far too easy, the admiral refused to obey.
In response, officials were dispatched to depose and arrest the heroic naval commander,
replacing him with none other than the wily intriguer himself, Won Gyun,
who immediately began proving himself totally incompetent.
Yi avoided execution by the skin of his teeth, but was demoted to the status of a common soldier.
This Japanese ploy had worked wonders, and it seemed the dangerous admiral Yi
was neutralized forever. Soon after this, Yojiro once again informed the Joseon
court of a location they could easily ambush another Japanese fleet. This time, however,
Admiral Yi was not present to advise caution. On the 17th of August, admiral Won Kyun, heavily
pressed by his superior, Kwon Yul, gathered the entire Korean fleet, slightly over 200 ships and
set sail eastwards towards Busan. However, the Japanese were well informed of the movements of
the Korean fleet through their network of spies on the hills that overlooked Hansando. Three days
later, as the Korean ships neared Cholyongdo, they encountered the main Japanese fleet,
which numbered 500 to 1000 ships strong, already arrayed in a vast line. The battle had not even
begun and the Koreans were already on the back foot, exhausted from the long day at sea and with
little faith in their leader’s abilities. Despite the odds being heavily stacked against him,
Won Kyun ordered a general attack. The Japanese feigned a retreat with the Korean’s pursuing them,
but afterwards they turned and drove them back. After repeatedly moving back and forth, the
Japanese decided to finally attack with all their might. In this charge they managed to destroy 30
Korean vessels, and because of this, the rest of the terrified Korean fleet soon routed.
Despite this, the disaster was not yet over. Some of the ships, having reached Kadok island,
decided to make a quick stop to refresh their supplies in water. The island was garrisoned by
a large Japanese force and soon they were met with 3000 soldiers under Shimazu Yoshihiro’s banner,
who killed around 400 Koreans and destroyed several more vessels.
Whatever remained from the Korean fleet continued to retreat until they reached Chilcheollyang,
a narrow strait between Koje and Chilchon island and stayed there for a week.
The defeat at Busan and the reprimand he received from Kwon Yul severely crippled Won’s morale,
who retired to his flagship and refused to talk to anyone, thus leaving the fleet headless.
The Japanese, after having experienced defeat at the hands of Yi Sunshin time and again,
were now eager to exploit this naval success to its fullest, and so they pursued the Korean
fleet westwards. Unaware of the incoming Japanese attack, Won Kyun did little to plan a defense or
boost his men’s morale. Finally a few hours after midnight, on August 28th, the Japanese
fleet numbering almost 500 ships and under the light of a full moon reached Chilcheollyang.
Three guns signaled the attack and the Japanese fell upon their prey with arrows and gun fire.
Any Korean ships which weren’t set on fire were boarded, with their crews cut down. The Koreans
who were unaccustomed to night warfare, and thoroughly demoralized, offered little resistance.
Some of them tried to escape by landing on the nearby Koje island, but as it had been on Kadok
island, they were met with a Japanese ambush party who mowed them down. Admiral Won also
met his fate as he was trying to escape to the mainland. By dawn, all but 13 ships would be lost.
These ships were commanded by Bae Sol, who, having realized that the straight was a dangerous spot,
had moved them farther away. These 13 ships would later become the saviors of Korea at Myeongdong.
News of the disaster reached Seoul soon after it occured, and the king swiftly made the only
decision he could: reinstating the disgraced Yi Sun-Shin as supreme naval commander. With the
seas around Korea now swept clean of enemy ships, the two Japanese ground thrusts began on September
11th, comprising Ukita Hideie’s 49,600 strong Left Army and Mori Hidetomo’s 65,300 strong Right Army.
This was to be a brutal and pitiless invasion, undertaken with a degree of savagery unseen in
1592. Hideyoshi orders now were to “Mow down everyone universally, without discriminating
between young and old, men and women, clergy and laity”. With this in mind, the advance began.
The Army of the Left marched through Jeolla province and reached the fortified town of
Namwon on the 23rd of September 1597. The city was situated on a flat plain with its only natural
being a river flowing to the south that acted as a rather distant moat. Its walls were not very tall,
about 4 meters high, but were plastered with shell-lime and tiny fragments of seashells made
it glitter in the sun, creating an impressive spectacle. Between each gate and wall corner,
a bastion was formed to provide flanking fire onto the gates. In the area around the city,
there was an alternative defensive position just to the north, the sanseong of Kyoryong.
This mountain fortress was naturally more suited to withstand the Japanese attack,
as the enemy would have to fight an uphill battle through a heavily forested area. Because of this,
the Korean garrison of the Namwon had advocated for abandoning the city and moving there. However,
the Ming general Yang Yuan, perhaps more confident in defending a Chinese style fortification,
overruled them and chose to stay in Namwon; a decision that would later prove to be fatal.
To Yang Yuan’s credit, the Ming general didn’t sit idly waiting for the arrival
of the Japanese, but worked to strengthen the city’s defenses.
Another three meters were added to the wall’s height, and cannons were placed on the main
gatehouses. The defenders also dug a ditch 6 meters deep, enclosed by a wooden palisade,
while spiked tree trunks were laid at its bottom to slow down the Japanese assault. Furthermore,
a fortified water reservoir was built outside the walls to prepare the city for a lengthy
siege and fences were constructed on the fields. Finally, as the defenses were almost complete,
Yang Yuan ordered the destruction of Kyoryong to prevent the coming Japanese from using it.
When the Japanese army arrived, they immediately besieged the city from all sides,
leaving no escape routes for the 12000 people now trapped inside; half of them were civilians.
Hideie was in command of the southern sector, while Konishi Yukinaga commanded the west,
Kurushima Michifusa and Kato Yoshiaka’s troops covered the northern side, and 11 other generals
secured the eastern approach. Seeing that the invaders were busy with constructing their own
defenses, the besieged garrison decided to sally out, but were met with rapid volleys of arquebus
fire and were forced to retreat into the city. The next day the Japanese started filling the
city’s defensive ditch with earth and straw, all the while under heavy cannon, musket,
and arrow fire from the walls. When this was done, many of their own arquebusiers crossed over, and
by taking cover in the burnt houses and the fences outside the walls, began to harass the defenders.
That following evening, the Japanese sent a delegation asking for the defenders to surrender.
This offer was, like on all other occasions, rejected. As a result, the Japanese resumed their
offense with increased fervor, which continued well into the night despite heavy rain. The
solution to the stalemate came for the besiegers in the form of a clever stratagem. Witnessing the
still green rice stalks on the nearby fields, they cut them, then tied them together in big
bundles. When darkness began to fall, the Japanese unleashed a heavy cannon barrage accompanied by
arquebus fire that lasted for 2 hours and forced the defenders to keep their heads down. Under
the cover of night and the suppressive volleys of their guns, they quietly built a ramp out of the
rice stalks. As the barrage stopped, the Japanese troops assaulted the walls, with the samurai
Matsuura Shigenobu reportedly leading the way. Despite the valiant attempts of the defenders, the
city fell. Seeing that the city was doomed, the Ming commander Yang Yuan led a detachment of 300
men out of the west gate, trying to break through the enemy lines. Despite being wounded twice, he
and 100 of his men managed to escape the siege and headed to Chonju, only to find the city deserted.
Thus, he continued towards Seoul. Back at Namwon, the Japanese, now in total control of the city,
put combatants and civilians alike to the sword. Keinen, a priest who was accompanying the army
as a physician, was so shocked by what he witnessed that later wrote in his poems:
- “Whoever sees this, Out of all his days, Today has become the rest of his life”.
As a final act of barbarism, they cut off the noses of 3,726 dead, salted them, and then
shipped them back to Japan as proof to Hideyoshi that they had fought and defeated their opponents.
Overall, in this second invasion, momentum had thus far been solely on Japan’s side.
However, the tide would begin to turn when a small number of Ming reinforcements, led by general Yang
Hao, managed to ambush and defeat Japanese forces at Jiksan. This prevented any further incursions
toward Seoul, and marked the furthest Japan would encroach into Korean territory. The daunting
prospect of more gigantic Chinese armies joining the Koreans, and a forthcoming winter, meant that
turning back south was the only realistic choice for the Japanese. With the invasion
on land stalling in late 1597, it is here that Yi Sun-shin is thrust back into the limelight.
After being reinstated as naval commander in the south, the Admiral had only thirteen ships to work
with. Nevertheless, his mere presence cheered up the local population, who often greeted him
as a savior. “Our admiral has come again, now we can be safe!” shouted one local peasant.
However great his bravery or ability, what could admiral Yi do with only 13 ships against hundreds?
Firstly, he set about reasserting discipline and order. Guards were posted to protect armories
and storehouses, cowardly officials were reprimanded and sent back to work, officers
and enlisted men were flogged for dereliction, and civilians were punished for any offense.
Through these harsh means, Yi restored to himself what traditional Chinese military
doctrine dubbed ‘awesomeness’: the mix of fear and respect a leader needed to command effectively.
Reaching his small fleet at Hoeryongpo, he immediately retrofitted all vessels to serve
as makeshift turtle-ships, with sturdy timber sides and spiked roofs to protect the crews.
When this was done, Yi sailed kilometers west to Oranpo, which had a more open harbour.
It was about this time that Yi received intelligence that the main Japanese war
fleet was after him, so he retreated to the island of Chindo, further to the west. A 13-strong scout
fleet tried to destroy Yi on the 17th of October, but was fought off without much difficulty.
In the days after this minor skirmish, the main Japanese fleet arrived at Oranpo and began
building up its strength. As they did, Yi spent his time carefully observing the properties of
surrounding bodies of water, noting the current speed, direction, and time of the tide. Of
particular interest to the admiral was the narrow Myeongnyang Channel, a stretch of water only 250
meters wide at its narrowest point. The current was also among the fastest in all Korea, moving at
a faster speed than Japanese ships could travel. This was a perfect place to make a final stand.
On October 24th, Yi received further intelligence that a 200-ship-strong Japanese fleet was closing
in on his position. In response, he pulled his fleet through the Myeongnyang strait the next day,
anchoring his ships in the open water just outside it. Beyond Yi’s 13 combat vessels was
a long line of fishing boats packed with refugees. By arranging these vessels in a mock battle line,
the admiral hoped that the Japanese would assume his own squadron was merely the vanguard of a
larger force. That night, with everything set as he wanted, Yi summoned his commanders to an
audience, telling them that “He who seeks death shall live! He who seeks his life shall die!”.
At dawn, the next day, the main Japanese armada of two to three hundred vessels approached the
southern end of the Myeongnyang Strait. As Yi had predicted, this huge mass of ships was unable to
pass through the narrow channel of Myeongnyang in one group, and thus began to split into separate
squadrons. Everything was going according to Yi’s plan. It was only when the first enemy ships began
to emerge into the open water that Yi ordered the attack. The Japanese fleet had not realised the
Koreans were there, but were finally notified by the cannons and fire arrows that began to attack
them. However, as the admiral’s flagship blasted the stunned enemy warships, the other ships in
his fleet began to lag behind, witnessing the extraordinary odds they faced. However, threats of
punishment and Yi’s dogged determination motivated his captains to catch up and fight. At this point,
the meager 13-ship Korean fleet was completely enveloped by at least 130 Japanese vessels.
The battle that ensued was unlike anything the Korean navy had ever experienced before.
Outnumbered by biblical proportions, their stronger ships rammed their weaker counterparts
with reinforced prows, blasted them from all sides with point-blank cannon fire,
and set them alight with fire arrows. The massive Japanese flagship suffered the brunt
of this battering and was soon in flames, and sunk shortly after. Despite outnumbering their
foes by such a massive margin, the Japanese still could not even touch Yi’s ships. Assault
after assault was made up the narrows by the numerically superior Japanese, but Yi’s flagship
stood like a castle at the mouth of Myeongnyang, leading the defence which repelled each attack.
Then, as the great admiral had anticipated, Myeongnyang’s northward current suddenly reversed,
pulling the attacking Japanese ships back into the narrows. They quickly became bunched together,
some even smashing into one another and sinking.
At this moment, the Koreans attacked with the tide at their back, inflicting massive
casualties on the hapless Japanese fleet as the clash shifted back into the narrows.
By the time Hideyoshi’s reinforced fleet managed to squeeze back through the narrows and into
open water, 31 of its ships had been destroyed. Once again, Admiral Yi had lost no ships at all.
Badly shaken by their experience in the channel, the Japanese armada fell
back all the way to Busan. It would not gain access to the Yellow Sea,
nor would it venture this far west to challenge Yi again. Unfortunately for the triumphant commander,
bad news arrived a month after the victory at Myeongnyang: his son had been killed
defending his home from invading Japanese soldiers. Yi was deeply affected by this,
and he fell into a deep depression. Carrying this weight on his shoulders, he nevertheless
began to rebuild the Joseon Kingdom’s naval power. By March of 1598, 61 warships were
ready for combat and a further 39 were under construction at the many shipyards of Korea.
Accompanying the successes at sea were further victories on land. Ming reinforcements had arrived
and, joining with the Korean forces, now pinned the land armies of Hideyoshi in their chain of
coastal fortresses. Then, on September 18th 1598, Toyotomi Hideyoshi passed away at the age of 62.
This was the final nail in the coffin of Japan’s attempted Korean conquest. One
of the great Kwampaku’s final orders was for the conflict to be brought to an end,
and for all soldiers to return home. Both Hideyoshi’s son Hideyori, and other powerful
daimyo such as Tokugawa Ieyasu were also eager to see the costly war stopped. In addition, the Ming
were receptive to the idea of allowing Konishi Yukinaga and the other wajo garrisons to escape
back to their homeland unharmed. The vengeful Koreans, however, were not going to accept this.
Putting Korea’s newfound dominance at sea to good use, Admiral Yi tightly blockaded
Yukinaga inside Suncheon. Despite Yi’s insistence that the Japanese would not be allowed to escape,
Yukinaga’s diplomatic pressure on the Chinese eventually allowed one ship to escape. This
craft then signaled the rest of Japan’s wajo naval forces to rendezvous inside the bay at Sacheon,
to prepare for the voyage home. After Yukinaga failed to show up, the Japanese forces realised
the situation he was in, and sent 500 ships to break the blockade. Informed by scouts and
local fishermen as to what was happening, Yi anticipated that the Japanese would take the
direct route between Sacheon and Suncheon, through the Noryang strait. He was correct.
Having drawn up his ships in the open sea just west of the narrow strait,
a surprise attack was launched at 2am on the 17th of December 1598.
Within hours, almost half the Japanese fleet was burned or sunk. Admiral Yi was in the thick of
the fighting, wielding a bow personally when the allied Chinese flagship was attacked. By dawn,
Japan’s ships were retreating, and Yi ordered a ceaseless pursuit. As the Koreans caught up,
a stray arquebus ball from a Japanese sharpshooter struck Yi Sun-shin in the left armpit. The great
admiral was dead in minutes, but 450 out of the 500 enemy ships were shattered at Noryang. The
tactical brilliance shown by Yi in this battle, at Myeongnyang, Hansando, and others had probably
saved Korea. To this day, Admiral Yi Sun-Shin is among Korea’s most venerated historical figures.
By the closing days of 1598, all Japanese forces had left Korea.
With their departure, the devastating six years long conflict was finally over. Nevertheless,
the effects of the war would be profound for all three nations that took part in it. In 1600,
the only prominent daimyo who avoided draining his resources in the costly Korean expedition,
Tokugawa Ieyasu, was able to triumph over a loose coalition of his enemies at Sekigahara.
Many of the daimyo who were defeated in that battle had fought in Korea,
including Ukita Hideie, Mori Hidemoto, and Konishi Yukinaga. As we might expect,
Yukinaga’s bitter rival Kato Kiyomasa fought on the other side, and finally got his own back.
As a result of Sekigahara, the Tokugawa clan would rule Japan for two and a half centuries to come.
The victorious Ming and Joseon dynasties were gravely weakened by the war with Japan,
making them easy prey for other invaders from the north. In 1644, the 278-year-old Ming dynasty
finally collapsed due to a fatal cocktail of internal rebellion and Manchu intervention.
Their subsequent Qing dynasty would last until 1912, and would prove to be generous
overlords to the Koreans, whose ‘hermit kingdom’ remained independent and largely
cut off from the world until Japan’s Imperial restoration in the late 1800s.
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